But it seemed that Orbán was not particularly interested in this – noted one of our sources. News reached him that when the general public was no longer present,
the prime minister had a conversation with his propaganda minister, but in a peculiar way he did not complain about the Bell helicopter and the luxury Mercedes waiting for the Rogáns, but why his minister was not in Budapest since the opening of the ballot box, i.e. from 6 o’clock in the morning.
However, Orbán did not make a fuss: he made no reference to Rogán’s helicopter scandal either at the presidency meeting or the faction meeting on Tuesday, despite the fact that it was in the headlines that day as well and the topic was also picked up on non-governmental television stations.
In Magyar, Rogán’s position is stable, and he continues to enjoy the trust of his prime minister. But what could be the secret, after he became the protagonist of suspected cases of corruption, from the V. district real estate Panama to the settlement bond business to the Hunguard story? Why does the prime minister tolerate the fact that the young man from the puritanical country at the beginning of his political career is now only associated by the electorate with the millionaire Louis Vuitton backpack, the luxury residential park, expensive watches, tailor-made suits and the world of celebrities?
Well, according to our sources, Orbán is only really interested in the closing of the ballot box on Sunday, namely the 3,300,000 votes cast, which he believes are about him.
That’s why the new magic word, “new unity”, which glimmers the hope of a two-thirds victory for the third time. And the “deputy leaders” of success are called Árpád Habony and Antal Rogán in his reading. From the point of view of his trust in them, the fact that the relationship between “the two good friends” is now strongly fluctuating and full of breaks in smiles is irrelevant.
Two years ago, before the second two-thirds victory, the Prime Minister formulated his political credo, the new stage of community building. In an interview given to Magyar Nemzet at the time, he said: he built the radical, system-changing, small-party community of Fidesz, and then, through bourgeois circles, the large populist right-wing community. And now he is building a national community that also includes a part of the left. The ammunition and execution for this – the focus on anti-migrants, order, strength and security and the referendum campaign itself – was recently provided by the new government communication machine that replaced the Lázár-Giró-Szász duo with the cabinet minister Antal Rogán, who has now completely disappeared from the public eye. at the forefront.
It should be remembered that in the fall of 2014, with the idea of introducing an Internet tax, Fidesz lost 12 percentage points in popularity in one month, such a rapid and large-scale drop has not been seen since the regime change. MSZP and Jobbik also benefited from disillusionment with Fidesz. Rogán entered the scene as a cabinet minister last fall, when, according to Median’s measurements, the popularity of the ruling party among the entire population was 32 percent, Jobbik 13 percent, and MSZP 11 percent. Now in September, just before the referendum, Fidesz increased its base among the entire population to 37 percent, while the popularity of Jobbik and MSZP decreased.
For the communications staff, managing “political governance” means serving the Prime Minister “with blood and iron”. In English: unconditional loyalty to the prime minister,
on the other hand, in the direction of the ministries, with communication “terror” templates, panel sentences, and slogans.
And that is enough for Viktor Orbán – he is not interested in the rest, as long as the approval ratings are adequate. Until then, Rogán can “move to his heart’s content between the world of celebrities, Hungarian business circles and the Parliament”.